Source: Washington Dispatches, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress The first Associated Press report on the Bolshevik Revolution was filed at 11:29 p.m. on Nov. 8, 1917, from Washington, D.C., before firsthand reports from Russia were available. WASHINGTON NOV. 8 - Discouragement felt here over the news of the overthrow of the Kerensky government at Petrograd is tempered by hope that the extreme radicals who have seized the capital may not be able to extend their control over the army or any considerable part of the country. However, it is feared that much blood must be shed and the nation further demoralized before any power rises above the turmoil strong enough to control the situation. Both the State Department and the Russian Embassy still were without official advices tonight. Consequently there was no official comment on the situation. Informally it was pointed out that with the telegraph lines and the semi-official news agency at Petrograd in the hands of the radicals it would be difficult to learn the true state of affairs, although there was no disposition to questionthe collapse of the provisional government’s power in the capital. Whether this control of the channels of information will extend to interference with dispatches which Ambassador Francis and other diplomatic representatives undoubtedly are seeking to send their governments is not known. The suggestion that the new power at Petrograd may be shortlived is based to an extent upon the fact that the Cossacks, the best military force in Russia, though extremely jealous of their own local liberties, always have been reckoned upon to support a strong conservate government. It was conceived in some quarters that if Kerensky, fleeing from the capital, should be able to bring to his support General Korniloff, the strong man of the Russian army, with his Cossack backers, he might set up a new and stronger government at Moscow where he could count upon the loyalty of a majority of the large population of that ancient Capitol. An obstacle to the success of such a plan is found in the possibility that Korniloff, embittered by the treatment he had received at the hands of Kerensky when the latter was vacillating between the radicals and the conservatives, might refuse to risk his future further upon such an uncertain leader. Some officials think this compromising by Kerensky was largely responsible for his disaster. In view of the intensity of the democratic spirit developed in Russia since the overthrow of the Czar, it is regarded here as difficult to conceive of the appearance of any other form of government than a republic. Yet in diplomatic circles where the peculiar temperament of the Russian masses is well understood, the opinion is expressed that out of sheer weariness with revolutions and anarchy, the majority of the people might suddenly decide to confide their destinies in a dictator, thereby following the footsteps of the radicals in the French Revolution. Recalling that even the Bolsheviks themselves have declared for “a democratic peace” which is opposed to the German idea, it is believed to be hardly possible that on this basis Germany could entertain proposals from the Maximalists for either a peace or an armistice. It is pointed out, too, that even if the Germans make a separate peace with the Maximalists, the fact that this party represents only a small section of the Russian people would make it necessary for the Central powers to continue to maintain a large military force on the border or a guard against an offensive from the other elements. Therefore it is hoped that the military situation
will not change materially for the worse for the Entente Powers and America
as a result of these latest developments. If any considerable portion
of the Russian army can be kept in the trenches, the advent of Winter
will operate to prevent the German troops who face them from taking advantage
of any temporary weakness to start an offensive. American representatives of the Red Cross in Petrograd were all safe and no mention was made of any harm befalling any other Americans. Although the city was quiet when the Ambassador sent his report he indicated that it was then too early to secure a definite idea of conditions, especially outside the capital. Until the situation has been more clearly defined
there will continue a practical suspension of official relations
with Russia. It was explained to-day that to continue negotiations
now was impossible because it is not known just who is in power in the
different departments. To obtain information from the country beyond
the limits of Petrograd in Francis’ reports is next to impossible
because the wires were all in control of the Bolsheviki. |
|
 |
|
